The
Geography of Occupation: Education
in Conflict
Basem L. Ra'ad
- March 2003
To understand
the current hardships of Al Quds University
and other Palestinian educational
institutions, it is necessary to explore
the geography of Israeli occupation.
This geography shows the real colour
of the degradation to which people
are subjected and the effects of long-standing
colonizing policies. One would have
thought a simple, self-evident right
to education should be guaranteed.
The eight universities in Gaza and
the West Bank, other educational institutions
and hundreds of schools are all subjected
to severe restrictions in the delivery
of knowledge, as a result of Israeli
measures. Normal education has continued
to be disrupted over the past 35 years
of occupation, especially during and
after the first Intifada started in
1987. Birzeit University was particularly
singled out for harassment during
this period because of its perceived
role in intellectual leadership. Faculty
and students were arbitrarily detained,
the university president exiled, and
the campus closed for extended periods.
The measures resulted in a movement
of 'underground' education, when faculty
met students in private homes and
other unofficial 'campuses'.
"We
at Bethlehem
University plead
for the right
to continue
educating young
Palestinians
and the right
for our neighbors
in Bethlehem
to be able to
live, to move,
to breathe free
air, to work
and to educate
their children.
Can anyone do
anything to
change this
systematic strangulation?"
Br.
Vincent Malham,
president of
Bethlehem University,
January 5, 2003 |
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Today, student and faculty attendance
at all universities continues to be
severely affected by the presence
of Israeli checkpoints, curfews, sometimes
by direct harassment, attacks and
willful destruction. A single checkpoint
on a West Bank road can close down
teaching for many days. A study term
of 15 weeks usually ends up being
compressed into less than 12 weeks
or extended over six or seven months.
The academic and other effects are
cumulative and drastic in the long-term,
since few courses are taught in full.
Not only is educational delivery impaired
and an acute financial crisis affects
all aspects of educational work. There
is an unsettling sense of constant
precariousness that makes any planning
and any motivation difficult indeed.
Priorities have shifted from an emphasis
on quality to a struggle for mere
survival.
Al Quds University in Jerusalem is
unique in its location and the difficulties
it faces, since it is the only Palestinian
Arab higher education institution
in this central region that is closest
to the heart of the conflict. As with
universities established earlier,
it is an answer to the specific situation
and environment. Palestinian universities
were all created by the enlargement
of colleges after 1967, when it became
more difficult for students to continue
studies at universities abroad. Occupation
and restricted movement resulted in
more universities than expected in
a small area.
Al Quds University was founded in
1994 by the merger of several Palestinian
Arab colleges in Jerusalem and suburbs.
It now has 10 faculties, including
arts, science, medicine, health sciences
and law; it serves a student population
of about 6000 in 2002, and has more
than 700 faculty and staff. Main administration
offices are located in East Jerusalem,
just outside the walls of the Old
City. (Last July, Israeli police stormed
the offices, seized all files and
computers, and welded shut the premises
for several weeks. Earlier in the
year, the Israeli army entered several
educational offices in Ramallah and
destroyed equipment at will.)
Teaching is conducted at four main
campuses. Two of the campuses are
in East Jerusalem, and the largest
campus is in Abu Dees, a suburb a
few kilometers to the east. Other
faculties are in Ramallah/Al Bireh,
and are similarly separated from East
Jerusalem by major Israeli checkpoints
and occasional 'minor' checkpoints
in between.
These 'checkpoints' are more than
places where the Israeli army stops
people or checks identification. They
have developed into real internal
borders, with huge concrete blocks
and barbed wire, to segregate and
to stop movement required by a natural
geography and real human needs.
Geography
In
1948, Israel was declared as a state
after occupying about 78% of historic
Palestine, including West Jerusalem.
In addition to displacing hundreds
of thousands of Palestinians, it destroyed
hundreds of Palestinian villages and
instituted apartheid-like policies
and laws. Israel occupied East Jerusalem
(including the Old City) and the West
Bank and Gaza in 1967, but its declaration
to 'unify' the city has not been accepted
internationally. Israel expanded the
municipal boundaries of Jerusalem
to accommodate its building of new
colonies and to confiscate more land
in the West Bank. The Israeli army
set up checkpoints on those self-declared
boundaries of 'Jerusalem' and along
roads that crisscross Palestinian
lands to connect Israeli colonies
in 1967-occupied territories and to
'create facts on the ground'. This
process has invented an unreal mythic
geography. It assumes a dictatorship
of language through military power
to set land boundaries and to sort
and grade the people of the land.
As a result, Palestinian residents
of suburbs and towns outside Israel's
declared 'Jerusalem' cannot enter
or cross these boundaries to go to
Jerusalem or other neighbouring suburbs,
nor are they free to move from one
Palestinian town or city or village
to another across checkpoints. Cities,
villages and camps are totally isolated,
with residents requiring Israeli permits
to cross. Today, Israeli checkpoints,
together with barbed wire and concrete
separators, excavated ravines, trenches
and mounds of earth serve as walls
to impede movement and imprison the
Palestinian people in more than 200
non-contiguous ghettos.
A Palestinian West Bank resident of
Izariyyah, a suburb to the east, just
a 10 -minute drive from the center
of Jerusalem, is not allowed to enter
East Jerusalem by the Israelis or
to go to another Palestinian suburb
that is only a 10-minute drive to
the north of the city. These Israeli
regulations apply to everyone, young
and old, men, women and children,
emergency medical cases, as well as
students and faculty. Anyone caught
attempting to cross these self-declared
Israeli boundaries is arrested and
punished, or may be shot.
Al Quds University's educational structure
is built on self-evident and natural
connections between areas close to
each other under normal conditions,
but that now the Israeli occupation
has turned into an impossible situation
- in terms of access, services, administration,
and delivery of education. The university's
organization assumes that these Palestinian
areas are in close proximity (as they
are), and that West Bank and Jerusalem
Palestinians are the same people (despite
the different colours of identity
cards). On the other hand, the Israeli
occupation presumes political positions
and imposes military realities that
disrupt communication and movement
among the various Palestinian parts.
It is a
cruel, suffocating geography.
Causes
of Attendance Difficulties
The problem
of attendance at universities predates
the current Al Aqsa Intifada. It has
less to do with 'security' than with
Israeli long-standing policies. Israel
has always targeted education, community
developments and Palestinian civil
society. It has been limiting, fragmenting
and disconnecting the Palestinian
areas for a long time.
Four main factors affect educational
work: (1) Israeli closures and curfews;
(2) Israel's restrictions on movement
everywhere in the West Bank and between
the West Bank and Gaza; (3) Israel's
network of roads to its colonies/military
outposts ('settlements') in the West
Bank and Gaza; and (4) inability of
students and faculty from the West
Bank to enter Israel's 'Jerusalem'
boundaries or to cross them to go
to other destinations. Since 'Jerusalem'
is centrally located, Israel's actions
in effect disconnect the various Palestinian
areas to the north, south and east.
Meanwhile, in pure apartheid fashion,
Israeli authorities turn a blind eye
to the cruelties of illegal colonists,
allowing them freedom to rampage and
destroy Palestinian farmlands, burn
or cut down olive trees. Occupants
in Israeli colonies in the West Bank
and Gaza, their businesses and educational
institutions, and the educational
system in Israel, enjoy total mobility
and freedom of movement. However,
any sense of mobility is denied to
all segments of Palestinian activity.
During my teaching at two Palestinian
universities since 1995, I have not
experienced a single term in which
study was not disrupted by Israeli
military and political actions. The
problems have become merely more severe
in the last two years. The difficulties
are particularly acute at the two
campuses of Al Quds University in
East Jerusalem, where the Faculty
of Arts is located. About 60% of students
and faculty at these two campuses
have only West Bank identity cards.
On good days, often 25% to 30% of
students were unable to attend classes,
stopped at checkpoints or arrested
or otherwise prevented from reaching
the campus. On bad days, more than
50% are not able to move. On days
when a curfew is imposed in any of
the surrounding areas, classes cannot
be held at all.
The worst case was the last semester
(2nd semester in 2001-2002), which
started in February and was supposed
to end in June. It was only completed
at the end of August, without our
finishing all the work properly. It
was possible to continue teaching
only by moving courses from the Beit
Hanina campus in East Jerusalem to
a high school in the town of Ram.
This temporary solution increased
attendance by West Bank residents
but caused more difficulties for Jerusalem
residents. In this academic year (which
resumed at the end of October 2002),
most classes have been moved to the
campus in Abu Dees, resulting in overcrowding,
new travel difficulties for many,
and much disorientation.
Electronic and Other Solutions
It
is ironic that when physical movement
and communication are restricted,
people find ways to overcome barriers,
or at least to cope. Because the educational
process has been disrupted so much,
people search for new ways to continue
to learn and to teach. They are not
really good solutions. Students and
faculty try to reach the campuses
by risking their lives, using rough
side roads and other ways to pass
without being stopped by Israeli soldiers.
They try to continue their educational
activities by whatever means. It demands
dedication and a kind of humiliating
ingenuity; it takes a long time, is
costly and dangerous.
Alternative communication means are
developed. For example, many students
and faculty have cell phones and access
to the Internet. Rumour and word-of-mouth
communication are also very important.
Students form small community networks
to exchange news about work, dates
of examinations, checkpoint status,
and so on.
But all these means of communication
are informal and unreliable. This
is why I have considered using electronic
methods in times when classes cannot
be held. I started the process last
term, though it was not implemented
fully because classes were stopped
suddenly and some students were already
unable to attend. To the extent that
I collected information, the experiment
allowed some solutions for students
who needed to complete assignments
or to take tests. We were able to
agree by e-mail on assignments and
readings, or to confirm arrangements
by phones for tests or meetings.
Next semester, I plan to start the
process on the first day of classes.
(Of course, it is not at all certain
when we will have the 'first day of
classes' or when teaching will stop.)
I will try to make firm electronic
arrangements and record students'
e-mail and phone numbers. Those who
do not have Internet access will be
advised to go to Internet cafes or
communicate with others close by who
have access.
E-mail communication will be used
as a usual link, especially to benefit
those students who are unable to reach
classes. In extreme times of closure
or extended disruption, e-mail messages
will supply all students with directions,
encouragement to read, handouts, study
guides, topics to discuss, possibly
summaries of lectures. Each student
will be asked to communicate back
with questions about the material.
One possible strategy is to set up
'chat' groups. This will be difficult
to implement right away and may require
arrangements on the university web
site (http://www.alquds.edu)
and additional technical training
for faculty and students.
Another potential coping strategy
is multiple meeting places. In extreme
situations, I hope to travel to meet
two or three groups of students in
locations they can reach, to re-establish
contact and keep courses running on
track. This option, however, is not
feasible for most instructors to implement
because they have identification cards
that limit them to the same restrictions
that apply to students.
Conclusion
In
almost all subjects, a positive
and motivating classroom atmosphere
is indispensable for the educational
process. In the Palestinian case,
alternative solutions are forced
by the worst of situations - if
education is to continue at all.
How is it possible to deliver a
minimum standard in such impossible
times?
Education is crucial for Palestine
at this pivotal stage in its history.
What is happening today is very
harmful for any positive development
and for the future of young generations.
Because of the existing negative
conditions, all other activities
related to learning and teaching
are affected - financing, improvement
of resources, libraries, curriculum
development and community projects.
Israel knows this, and so education
is singled out as one of the targets
to disable the progress of the Palestinian
people. Even more to the point,
one would ask: why should education
be included in the Israeli policy
of collective punishment (why should
'collective punishment' be allowed
in the first place), especially
with an institution like Al Quds
University whose administration
has shown willingness to 'normalize'
and to have joint projects with
institutions in Israel?
It is hoped Israeli authorities
would realize that their current
policies are counterproductive for
any peace. If Israelis want to achieve
a 'just' peace, they must move their
government to make necessary distinctions
in its various activities, to urge
it to stop disinheriting, punishing
and suffocating all the Palestinian
people all the time. The aim should
be adequate resources, quality education
and equitable development opportunities
for both sides, not just one.
In this regard, people everywhere
have an obligation to become more
aware and more active, in more than
words, in ensuring equal rights
for all members of the human family,
including the people of Palestine.
An incubus of occupation and successive
colonization for many centuries
(most recently Ottoman, British,
Israeli) has plagued this small
but important country 'Palestine'.
Here, the real solution is unusually
simple: Israel must withdraw from
1967-occupied territories; disable
its exclusivist policies; free the
Palestinians.
But such a solution will obviously
not happen without effective international
pressure. What Israel is doing to
Palestinian education (not to mention
all areas of civil society) makes
a travesty of all international
standards and conventions. However,
Western countries are reticent to
apply the same measures against
Israel they have applied against
other countries that violate international
laws and flaunt UN resolutions.
The right of education, among other
normal rights, should be ensured
and facilitated by free movement
of educators and students.
Meanwhile, under duress, in educational
as in other human endeavours, it
is imperative to exercise all initiatives
to cope with difficulties, even
when the solutions are not complete
or totally satisfactory. We do not
have the luxury of despairing but
must continue to find new pathways
to learning, growth and development.
Basem L. Ra'ad is Professor of
English and World Civilizations at
Al-Quds University in Jerusalem. Born
in Jerusalem, he was educated in diaspora
and has published on literature, travel
writing, scholarship on ancient civilizations,
place names, and identity politics.
(raad@planet.edu
)
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